美國國會眾議院外交事務委員會主席Ros-Lehtinen致辭稿

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US Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen supports Taiwan democracy

REMARKS
Chairman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
Formosa Foundation Community Event
June 2011, California

美國國會眾議院外交事務委員會主席羅斯．雷婷恩致辭稿美國福爾摩莎基金會社區活動二ＯＯ一年六月十一日，加州

Executive Director Terri Giles, other Members of the Formosa Foundation, Friends of Taiwan, and, Members of the Taiwanese American Community, it is a great honor to be with you today.
執行長賈泰麗及福爾摩莎基金會會員們，美國之友社團，諸位台美人社團的會員們，今天我很榮幸與您齊聚一堂。

I believe I speak not only for myself but for all of my fellow Members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee in expressing our great respect for the outstanding contributions made by the Taiwanese-American community to the United States.
我謹代表本人及我在眾議院外交事務委員會的同仁，對台美人為美國所作出的傑出貢獻，深表敬意。

Americans of Taiwanese descent have made enormous contributions in such diverse areas as medicine, engineering, education, science and the arts.
台裔美國人無論在醫學、工程、教育、科學、及藝術等多元領域上，均做出非凡的貢獻。

The reverence for learning which serves as a core value in Taiwanese immigrant families has assured that your community also produces outstanding leaders among our nation’s professional and business sectors.
台灣移民家庭尊崇學習的核心價值，亦確保了台美人社群在美國的專業及商業領域，生產傑出的領袖。

And we are grateful.
我們至為感激。

I have always been a great admirer of the people of Taiwan, of their democratic spirit, and of their fortitude in the face of potential adversity.
對於台灣人民，他們的民主精神，他們刻苦患難的剛毅，我總是萬分欽佩。

For me, Taiwan remains a great beacon of democracy in East Asia and an important strategic ally in a key region of the world.
我認為，台灣是東亞巨大的民主燈塔，也是美國在此關鍵地區的重要戰略盟友。

That is why, as Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I have scheduled a hearing for June 16 on:
• U.S.-Taiwan relations,
• Implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act and
• The future of Taiwan’s democracy.
這就是身為眾議院外交事務委員會主席的我，為何要在六月十六號召集聽證會，並確立三大主題：台美關係、落實台灣關係法、及台灣民主的未來。

This is the first such hearing on Taiwan in seven years but, under my Chairmanship, it won’t be the last.
這是七年來首次以台灣作為主題的聽證會，但在我的主席職位上，這不會是最後一次。

Friends, speaking candidly, one of the reasons we will be holding this hearing is that I am deeply concerned for Taiwan’s future, as it tries to cope with a rising China.
朋友們，坦白說，我們要舉辦這個聽證會的其中一個原因在於：我深深關切著台灣的未來，尤其台灣得設法應付崛起的中國。

I am also increasingly troubled about recent trends in U.S.-Taiwan relations, trends which suggest, as one scholar writes,[QUOTE] “a marked decline in U.S. support for the island’s freedom of action.” [END QUOTE]
而近來台美關係的趨勢，如學者稱「美國顯著降低了對台灣行動自由的支持」，也日益困擾著我。

Let me make one thing clear: I support the Taiwanese people and their democracy.
讓我表明一件事：我支持台灣人民與台灣民主。
Early next year, Taiwan goes to the polls to vote for both a President and a legislature.
明年初，台灣將進行總統大選及立委選舉。

It’s an important election and should be free from outside interference or coercion.
如此重要的選舉應該免於外在干涉或壓迫。

Beijing needs to stay out of this election.
北京切勿干預這項選舉。

China must not repeat the bullying of the 1996 election, when it sought to intimidate by launching missiles on Taiwan’s election eve.
中國絕不能重蹈一九九六飛彈威脅的覆轍。

Tragically, Taiwan appears to have become an afterthought in the administration’s larger aims of engagement with Asia and the Pacific.
悲慘地是，台灣顯然已成為美國當局擴大涉入亞太目標下的事後填補。

Taiwan has not featured prominently in the speeches of senior administration policymakers toward Asia, nor has it been a feature of discussion in relevant Department of Defense planning documents.
台灣尚未被特地彰顯在政府資深亞洲決策家的演說中，也不曾出現在國防部相關戰略規劃文件的討論裡。

In March 2008, then candidate Barack Obama wrote in a message congratulating Ma on his election victory that [QUOTE]“[t]he U.S. should reopen blocked channels of communication with Taiwan officials.” [END QUOTE]
二ＯＯ八年三月，當時作為總統候選人的奧巴馬，在對馬英九勝選的賀詞中寫到：美國應該重啓與台灣官員對話的管道。

Despite these promises, however, there has yet to be a cabinet or sub-cabinet level visit to Taiwan by this administration to engage in senior-level discussions with officials in Taipei.
這些承諾至今，未見任何正副閣員層次的當局官員訪台，與在台北的官員進行高層會談。

Indeed, it is stunning to contemplate that the last such visit by an American cabinet official took place nearly 11 years ago.
距上次類似的美國官方訪問至今已將近十一年之久，這確實是出乎意料。

Is it wise for Washington to marginalize Taiwan in this manner or to signal to the communist leaders in Beijing a diminished commitment to the Taiwan?
華府如此邊緣化台灣，或向北京的共產黨領導人釋出對台承諾遞減的訊息，是否明智？

Absolutely not.
絕對不明智。

It should be the firm policy of the United States to encourage frequent cabinet-level visits to Taiwan to foster increasingly deep and diverse commercial, technological, and people-to-people exchanges.
美國應該鼓勵密集高層官員訪台的堅定政策，以促進日益深入及多元的商務、科技、及民間交流。

Without robust contacts between senior officials of the United States and other Western democracies, how can Taiwan be expected have the self-confidence necessary to resist accommodation with an increasingly assertive mainland China?
如果沒有美國及西方民主國家高級官員對台旺盛的接觸，怎能期待台灣有必要的自信去抵抗與日益獨斷的中國大陸之融合？

This leads me to another, dimension of the U.S.-Taiwan relationship which is off -track: defensive arms sales.
這讓我導入另一個台美關係脫軌的面向：防禦性武器銷售。

As most of you know, the Taiwan Relations Act has long served as the cornerstone for American policy in addressing cross-Strait issues.
如大部份在座的各位所知，台灣關係法長期是美國對兩岸政策的基石。

The Taiwan Relations Act calls upon the United States to make available to Taiwan the defensive weapons it needs to maintain its security, thus allowing the people of Taiwan to maintain a peaceful, democratic, and prosperous way of life.
台灣關係法呼籲美國提供台灣所需要的武器來保持安全，並此容許台灣人民維繫他們和平、民主、及繁榮的生活方式。

Yet, we have had no foreign military sales to Taiwan since January 2010.
但是自從去年一月至今，仍未有任何外國對台軍售。

Meanwhile, the military balance across the Strait continues to erode in favor of the Chinese regime.
同時，兩岸軍力平衡繼續腐蝕，倒向中國政權。

Annual reports by the U.S. Department of Defense clearly outline the growing imbalance in military capabilities.
美國防部年度報告清楚概括此軍事實力的日漸失衡。

There are now well over sixteen hundred short-range Chinese missiles targeting Taiwan, and Beijing continues unabated, a large build up of naval and air forces focused on Taiwan contingencies.
目前中國有超過一千六百枚短程飛彈瞄準台灣，且北京持續未減海空軍事犯台的目標。

Unfortunately, in the face of this challenge, Taiwan’s own defense spending continues to be relatively weak and is now less than 3% of GDP.
不幸地是，台灣自身國防花費持續相對衰弱，目前只佔國民生產毛額不到百分之三。

Nonetheless, in this circumstance the United States has a clear duty and national interest in seeking to provide Taipei with the means to deter Chinese aggression and the confidence to resolve differences across the Strait on terms favorable to Taiwan.
然而在此情況之下，美國明顯有責任及國家利益來提供台灣武器，以防堵中國侵略，並有信心從對台有利的角度來解除兩岸差異。

Taiwan urgently needs to upgrade its air defense capabilities, including upgrades of its existing F-16 fleet.
台灣迫切需要提升其空軍防衛能力，包括提升其既有的F-16戰機。

It also needs investments in such systems as radar, electronic warfare systems, and improved ground-based defense capability.
台灣也需要投資雷達系統、電子武器系統等來促進以地面為基礎的國防實力。

As many of you know, Taiwan’s air force desperately needs new combat aircraft to effectively counter new and anticipated Chinese aerial threats.
在座大多知道，台灣的空軍急需新戰機以有效嚇阻更新的中共空中威脅。

It is long past due for the Executive Branch to approve the sale of new F-16C/D fighter aircraft to Taiwan.
美國行政部門同意對台銷售F-16C/D戰機的承諾已經過期太久。

As Defense News editorialized this week,[QUOTE] “the issue goes beyond the defense of one self-governing island. China not only wants to weaken Taiwan, but also prompt Washington’s allies in Asia to question whether America will be there for them in times of crisis… [END QUOTE]
如「國防新聞」本週社論所稱：這議題以遠超過自治島國的國防問題。中國不僅要弱化台灣，也讓華府在亞洲地區的盟友質疑美國是否會在危機時親臨協防的問題。

Defense News continues: [QUOTE]“[I]f the White House decides to block the sale, an emboldened Beijing may decide tomorrow that it doesn’t want America selling its wares to other regional allies: Japan, Australia, South Korea, and others.” [END QUOTE]
「國防新聞」還說：如果白宮決定要阻止軍售，將放肆北京壯膽決定，明天它將不允許美國軍售其他亞洲區域的盟友：如日本、澳洲、南韓等。

Meanwhile, on the economic front, while American trade interests in Asia stagnate, the Chinese dragon is extending its claws ever further out into the Pacific.
同時，在經濟前線，當美國在亞洲的貿易利益沈滯不前，中國的龍爪正更伸入太平洋地區。

The China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement went into effect last year.
中國與東南亞國協的自由貿易協定去年生效。

Meanwhile the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement continues to languish.
同時，美韓自由貿易協定持續萎縮。

Last year, the so-called named Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between Taiwan and Mainland China was finally signed, despite concerns over growing Chinese economic influence on the island.
去年，不管大眾對中國在台的經濟影響深感耽憂，所謂台灣與中國大陸的經濟合作架構協議終於簽訂，。

Like the Trojan horse which allowed the Greek invaders to penetrate the inner walls of Troy, this agreement may well prove to be a political tool that masquerades as a trade instrument to achieve China's ultimate goal of absorbing Taiwan.
就像容許希臘人入侵特洛伊城的木馬一樣，ＥＣＦＡ最終會被證明是一個假冒成貿易的政治工具，終極目的在併吞台灣。

Washington cannot cede supremacy in economic influence over the Pacific to Beijing.
華府絕不能將我們在太平洋地區的優越經濟影響力讓渡給北京。

For starters, and consistent with our homeland security requirements, the U.S. ought to strengthen economic and people-to-people relations by granting the admission of Taiwan into America’s Visa Waiver Program.
首先且與我們國土安全要求一致的是，美國必須批准台灣加入美國免簽證計畫，以強化與台灣的經濟及民間關係。

Secondly, following the resolution of outstanding bilateral trade issues, the United States Trade Representative should seek to resume and successfully conclude negotiations of economic issues in the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) talks with Taiwan.
第二，為解決既存的雙邊貿易議題，美國貿易代表必須重啟並成功完成台美貿易及投資架構協定的協商。

Thirdly, the U.S. should move forward with negotiations on a Bilateral Investment Agreement and Bilateral Tax Agreement as building blocks for an eventual free trade agreement with Taiwan.
第三，美國須進一部協商雙邊投資協定及雙邊稅務協定來作為最終台美自由貿易協定的基石。

A U.S.-Taiwan FTA will boost U.S. exports to Taiwan, expand the U.S. market share in Asia, and strengthen bilateral ties.
台美自由貿易協定可望促進美國對台外銷，擴大美國在亞洲的市場占有率，及強化雙邊聯繫。

Taiwan, currently the 10th largest trading partner of the U.S. and 6th largest destination of U.S. agriculture products, is a desirable market for U.S. goods and services.
台灣，作為美國第十大貿易夥伴及美國農產品第六大外銷地，是美國產品及服務的理想市場。

Studies by the U.S. International Trade Commission show that U.S. exports to Taiwan would grow at a rate of approximately 16% per year if a US-Taiwan FTA were enacted. Taiwan, a democracy that supports a free market, the rule of law and human rights, provides a transparent, free and stable environment for U.S. investment and business opportunities in Asia.
美國國際貿易委員會的研究顯示，若台美自由貿易協定簽訂，美國對台出口年增率達百分之十六。支持自由市場、民主法治及人權的台灣，可以提供美國在亞洲自由、透明、穩定的投資及商業機會。

It is a sad fact that most countries refrain from an FTA with Taiwan out of fear of China's reprisals.
遺憾的事實是，多數國家畏懼中國報復，不願與台灣簽署自由貿易協定。

The Taiwanese workforce and economy are increasingly left out and negatively impacted due to this isolation.
台灣的勞動力與經濟在這孤立情況下日增負面影響。

A U.S.-Taiwan FTA, however, will help Taiwan break out of its international isolation.
台美自由貿易協定，將幫助台灣突破國際孤立的處境。

A U.S.-Taiwan FTA can also help halt China's growing economic and political leverage over Taiwan and give Taiwan more confidence in negotiations with China.
台美自由貿易協定也將幫助抑制中國對台經濟及政治的手段，幫助台灣更有自信面對中國的談判。

Now is the time for the Administration to begin moving forward in pursuing at FTA with our good friend, Taiwan.
這是美國政府與我們的好朋友台灣，向簽署自由貿易協定邁進的時機。

After all, a strong, self-confident Taiwan that is deeply integrated into the broader economic and trade relations of the region will serve as a bastion of stability in the Asia-Pacific.
畢竟，一個強壯、自信的台灣，深入統合在亞太地區經貿關係，將作為亞太地區穩定的堡壘。

In conclusion, it is strongly in America’s national interest to reenergize and upgrade relations between our two peoples and our two great democracies.
總結來說，重新活化及升級台美兩大民主國家與人民的關係，符合美國強大的國家利益。

In my capacity as Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I hope to do just that in the weeks and months ahead.
在我主席任內，我希望在未來的日子裡努力耕耘這些目標。

Thank you.
謝謝。

出處：http://davidonformosa.posterous.com/us-representative-ileana-ros-lehtinen-support