Ma Ying-jeou has unilaterally changed the status of Taiwan

Ma Ying-jeou has unilaterally changed the status of Taiwan

 HoonTing

        Ma Ying-jeou (MYJ), the President of the Republic of China, gave a speech through the videoconference to the scholars of the Center for Strategy and International Studies (CSIS) on May 12. 

        His speech mainly focused on "three strategies" to build national security for the Republic of China: institutionalizing cross-strait rapprochement with mainland China, enhancing Taiwan's contributions to international development, and aligning Taiwan's defense and diplomacy.  By connecting Taiwan Relations Act with the Centennial of the Republic of China, Ma cleverly noted the friendship between the US and the ROC at the very beginning of the speech.  However, he tended to enclose Taiwan Question within Chinese suzerainty.

        Ma kept propagating the advantages of his rapprochement with China and the ECFA in his speech-- he was obviously preoccupied with it when answering questions after the speech.  Besides this, he emphasized the term "responsible stake holder" for times.  For one short period we were almost convinced that MYJ might have given up his stance that "Taiwan should enter China fist and through it walks to the world" and follow DPP President candidate Tsai Ying-wen's "Taiwan should only enter China hand-in-hand with the world."  But we were wrong.

        We must be cautious.  MYJ precisely added two premises, the framework of ROC Constitution and so-called "Consensus of 1992" to his "three strategies."  In addition, he did not forget to stress a condition when "In conclusion, a country’s overall strategy for security requires a sound political foundation in the domestic setting.  My approach to Taiwan’s national security is based on my administration’s unwavering identification with the Republic of China and its Constitution."

        To MYJ, Taiwan national security would be meaningless without a political identification with China and ROC Constitution, though he failed to answer a basic question: when and how ROC Constitution was applied to Taiwan.  His object of national defense has thus deviated from defending solid Taiwan and the people on Taiwan to protecting an abstract political ideology.

        Alarmingly, it is not just an empty slogan.  It has found its way into the reality.  The World Health Organization has formally defined Taiwan's status as "a province of China."  WHO has instructed its members, in the form of secret notes, the above decision.  MYJ accepted as such.

        When the US and Japan made an immediate and formal protest against the UN General Secretary Ban Ki-moon's declaration in 2007 that the Resolution No. 2758 of the UN General Assembly in 1971 had recognized that "Taiwan is a part of China," we were assured that Taiwan is NOT a part of China.  When the US applied pressure on former President Chen Sui-bian (CSB) against his referendum in 2008, we learned the hard lesson that we should not change Taiwan status unilaterally.  It is what"responsible stake holder" is about.

        Confusingly, the US did not say a word when MYJ and his party unilaterally changed the status of Taiwan with Beijing.  Ma shifted away the status quo expressed by former US Secretary of State Colin Powell on October 25, 2004: "Taiwan is not independent. It does not enjoy sovereignty as a nation, and that remains our policy, our firm policy." Now the literal new status in 2011 is WHO's "a province of China."

        While the US government firmly blasted CSB when he tried to cross the red line, Uncle Sam paradoxically let MYJ off this time.

        No matter what is in Uncle Sam's mind, Taiwan's status change will make an irreversible impact on the US-Japan mutual security cooperation.  How could the US effectively lead Asian allies if her diplomatic logic is inconsistent?

 

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