Ma must vow to transfer the power if he fails the election◎HoonTing
Former President Lee Teng-hui gave an impetus to Taiwan’s democratization 20 years ago. Now anyone who, either the common people or the political privileged, wants to be a mayor or the President, must learn to obtain the popular votes before assuming the office. It is a great achievement because Taiwan experienced 38-year-long martial laws during 1949-1987; However, there is a subtle flaw to the democracy.
The common people have assumed and transferred their power for times to whoever wins the election. Yet, few people has ever noticed that none of the second generation of the political privileged has ever experienced the transfer of power. They have given the power only to their privileged circle, through the elections though. We are not sure if the privileged young are able to observe democratic rules and honor the result of elections, not even after the election of the main cities as Taipei City, New Taipei City, Taichung City, or Taoyuan County. The power remains intact in the exclusive circle.
The 2000 and 2004 presidency elections, in which KMT failed, set bad examples by provoking month-long mass street protests. As a contrast, no protests ever happened after Ma Ying-jeou won the 2008 election.
Now MYJ is seeking his re-election. Without warning, he advanced the date of vote from mid-March to mid-January 2012, leaving a 4-month-long caretaker government from mid-January to 20 May, 2012. Taiwan national security will thus be expose to tremendous uncertainty in the prolong caretaker period.
MYJ decided as such for no solid reason, which makes him has to share his power with anyone who is elected in the election if MYJ fails.
Therefore, for the stability during the transition, MYJ must assert at least the following principles;
1. all citizens have to accept and observe the results of election and the rules of democracy;
2. all public officers must exercise the authority by the rule of laws and stay politically neutral, safeguarding files and documentations inparticular;
3. freezing any reshuffle of cabinet members immediately after the election; establishing a transitional commissions in the Presidential Hall as well as the Executive Yuan in three days after the election and all departments should work closely with the commission; the members of the commission have the right to attend and to observe all the meetings of the Presidential Hall and the Executive Yuan but hold no right to vote; the members of the commissions have the right to co-signing the documents where the head and vice head of the department should sign during the transitional period;
4. filing no suit to the court and to claim the election null and void or in violation of constitution by the reason of the date advancing or the younger citizens' loss of the voting right because of the advancing;
5. no secret arrangement with Beijing, and, if any, the new government and the citizens are not obliged to observe;
6. freezing any disposing or liquidating of the assets of KMT in Taiwan or abroad.
During the two decades of democratization of Taiwan, the political privileged showed little willingness to transfer power, which has aroused deep concern among Taiwanese. But Taiwanese are not alone. Professor Stéphane Corcuff (高格孚)has pointed out the risk in his new book: “Zhonghua linguo: Neighor of China – Taiwan’s Liminality”(中華鄰國──台灣閾境性[1])。 revised on 20111217
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[1] 高格孚著,《中華鄰國──台灣閾境性》(台北:允晨出版,2011),pp.60-61