The Last Piece of Jigsaw Puzzle of Taiwan’s Democracy by HoonTing
Chen Yi-shen(陳儀深), an associate researcher of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, stated in an interview a few days ago that Ma should reaffirm that he will transfer the power to the winner of the presidential election in case of a defeat. Chen said, “Taiwanese have reached a consensus to ‘compete for power under the due process of the establishment.’ The one who breaks the rules should assume all the responsibility.” He is far from unduly wary. In fact, the reluctance of the privileged few to observe democratic rules has been a hazard to Taiwan democracy, as happened in 2004 when Lien Chan refused to acknowledge defeat. What’s more, after MYJ’s inept administration and hasty adoption of China-friendly policies during the past three and half years, people have started to express deep concern about a peaceful transition of power in 2012.
The 38-year-long martial law not only deprived Taiwanese of democratic rights but also created a solid political privileged circle—with most of the members migrating from China in 1949. They have ever since held key positions in the government, monopolized domestic and international information, and manipulated ideology through media. Inevitably, they maintain a sense of superiority over the natives. Fortunately, President Lee Teng-hui strove to initiate democratization in 1990s, messing up their exclusive power and interests. To strike back and retrieve the power, these mainlanders blasted Lee and his successor Chen Sui-bian with overwhelming media coverage, and learned to participate in the democratic process of elections, which they had once opposed. After a series of winning in the mayors’ election, MYJ resumed presidency in 2008. The second generation of the privileged came to power by successfully handling elections. However, do they really appreciate democracy and obey the rules? Their performance in the past few years does very little to clear up the grave doubts that most citizens harbor.
It is a pity that 2012 Presidential Election is the first, and probably the only, chance to witness the democratic determination of the younger privileged. Chen Sui-bian the Taipei city mayor transferred his power to Ma Ying-jeou in 1998, Chang Wen-ying handed her Taichung mayoral office over to Jason Hu in 2001, and Su Tseng-chang shifted Taipei County to Chou Hsi-wei in 2005. Yet, ever since the executive power came through elections to the privileged hands, it has never extended beyond the circle.
Some may argue that these were nothing but the results of elections, yet they were not that “natural” if examined closely. Taichung city mayor Jason Hu, a political sibling in the circle, once had the opportunity to transfer his power to beyond the circle in 2010 and, meanwhile, New Taipei City seemed quite likely to have a new mayor from another party. To everybody’s horror, a gunshot jolted Taiwan on November 26, 2011 night, just a few hours before the vote, which most observers believe did change the election results. Taiwanese thus lost a good chance to see if these political siblings would be able to transfer the power in case of defeat. And, reflecting on how the media put on street protests for the screen and paper headlines after Presidential campaigns in 2000 and 2004, one cannot help but doubt if there will be a peace transition of presidential power in 2012.
It is the last piece of the Taiwan Democracy Jigsaw Puzzle. Beijing would earn the excuse to go against the global prevalence of democracy, if the democracy experiment in Taiwan should fail. rewritten at 1510